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Sow and pigs in farrowing pen
By: Peggy Kirk Hall, Tuesday, June 06th, 2023

We’ve heard from many concerned pork producers since the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled on California's controversial animal housing law, Proposition 12 (“Prop 12”).  Enacted as a ballot measure by California voters, the law sets minimum space requirements for sows and prohibits the sale of pork derived from a sow raised in conditions that don't meet the housing standards.  But the California law has yet to go into effect due to a score of lawsuits challenging California's authority to make a state law that negatively affects hog producers in other states. On May 11, the Supreme Court made its decision on one such challenge--National Pork Producers Council v. Ross (“NPPC”).  The 5-4 ruling upholding Prop 12 was not the decision desired by agricultural interests, leading to the questions we've been receiving: is there still a way to prohibit the law?  When and how will California enforce the law?  Will pork producers now begin complying with Prop 12?

An understanding of the court’s reasoning in NPPC is necessary before we can answer these questions. Let’s begin with the following excellent explanation of the case by my colleague Elizabeth Rumley at the National Agricultural Law Center.

The Supreme Court's decision

After considering a constitutional challenge to a California ballot initiative regulating space requirements for farm animals, the Supreme Court of the United States (“SCOTUS”) ruled on May 11th in favor of the state of California, allowing the law to stand.  The proposal, known as “Prop 12,” set conditions on the sale of pork meat in California- regardless of where it was produced.  It required, among other things, that all products be from pigs born to a sow housed in at least 24 square feet of space.  This effectively imposed Prop 12’s animal housing standards on any producer, no matter the location, who wished to sell products to residents of California.  This part of the law was promptly challenged and eventually heard by the Supreme Court.

The case, National Pork Producers Council v. Ross (“NPPC”) considered whether Prop 12’s regulation of the out-of-state production of products to be sold within state boundaries is a permitted action under a legal doctrine known as the dormant Commerce Clause.  In other words, under what circumstances can a state government pass laws that primarily affect the actions of people in other states? SCOTUS agreed to consider the case, and oral arguments were heard last October.  Many of the arguments centered on whether the law met the provisions of the “Pike balancing test,” which compares local benefits of a law to the burden that it places on out-of-state commerce to determine if the burden is clearly excessive.

NPPC Ruling

While parts of this ruling were agreed upon by all justices, the foundational legal analysis was a split decision, with several justices agreeing and disagreeing as to various parts.  Ultimately, a plurality of the court held that Prop 12 was constitutional and enforceable by California.  A minority of justices would have sent the case back to the district court for further consideration.  The opinion of the Court (joined by the largest number of justices), was written by Justice Gorsuch.

In the initial, unanimously agreed upon, sections of the opinion, Gorsuch focuses on the “antidiscrimination principle” that “lies at the ‘very core’” of dormant commerce clause jurisprudence.  In the clearest situations, this happens if a state set different standards for out-of-state businesses vs in-state businesses (for example, if Prop 12 had required Kansas producers to give pigs more space, but allowed California producers to confine animals in smaller pens).  However, Gorsuch does not apply this principle, instead pointing to a concession by the Pork Producers Council that producers are treated similarly regardless of geography.  Gorsuch then moves on to consider the constitutionality of a law that is not facially discriminatory (as in the hypothetical example above), but has a disproportionate effect on out-of-state businesses.  While the court did not specify whether Prop 12 would fall into this category, it would have ultimately made no difference.  Gorsuch refused to find such a law unconstitutional, writing that “[i]n our interconnected national marketplace, many (maybe most) state laws have the ‘practical effect of controlling’ extraterritorial; behavior.”

Next, Gorsuch considers the Pike balancing test in a series of sections where some justices join in his analysis while others do not.  Pike asks the court to weigh local benefits of a law against the burden it places on out-of-state commerce.  Again, Gorsuch returns to what he sees as an underlying requirement of discriminatory intent, even in the cases decided using the Pike analysis.  He rules, in a section joined by Justice Thomas and Justice Barrett, that the cost/benefit analysis that Plaintiffs argued was not an integral part of the original Pike analysis, and that Pike does not authorize judges to “strike down duly enacted state laws… based on nothing more than their own assessment of the relevant law’s ‘costs’ and ‘benefits’”.  He further highlights the perceived difficulty in doing so as a judicial body; “[h]ow is a court supposed to compare or weigh economic costs (to some) against noneconomic benefits (to others)? No neutral legal rule guides the way.  The competing goods before us are insusceptible to resolution by reference to any judicial principle.”  Instead, he disclaims that cost/benefit role, arguing that the responsibility is better given to those with “the power to adopt federal legislation that may preempt conflicting state laws.”

Gorsuch also considers a framing of Pike that “requires a plaintiff to plead facts plausibly showing that the challenged law imposes ‘substantial burdens’ on interstate commerce before a court may assess the law’s competing benefits or weigh the two sides against each other.”  In a section joined by Justices Thomas, Sotomayor and Kagan, Gorsuch finds that under the facts presented in the complaint, a “substantial harm to interstate commerce remains nothing more than a speculative possibility.”

It’s important to note that the sections of the opinion addressing the Pike test were not adopted by the majority.  While Gorsuch wrote the opinion of the court, his reasoning was not adopted by the entire bench.  In fact, several justices (Sotomayor, joined by Kagan and Roberts, joined by Alito, Kavanaugh & Jackson) also wrote or signed onto dissents outlining their disagreements with specific elements of Gorsuch’s reasoning. These justices agree that courts can still consider Pike claims and balance a law’s economic burdens against its noneconomic benefits, even if the challengers do not argue that the law has a discriminatory purpose.  Much like the Rapanos case of WOTUS fame, this case did not result in clearly defined legal doctrine.

Justice Kavanaugh wrote as well, concurring in part and dissenting in part.  He highlighted concerns about the constitutionality of statutes like Prop 12, “not only under the Commerce Clause, but also under the Import-Export Clause, the Privileges and Immunities Clause, and the Full Faith and Credit Clause.”

NPPC:  What Happens Next?

At least theoretically, other challenges to Prop 12 might be filed on dormant Commerce Clause grounds with more facts presented in the complaint.  This would be possible because a plurality of Justices agreed that the Plaintiffs did not allege facts that would constitute a “substantial harm”.  New complaints, however, might allege facts sufficient to meet that burden.  Those hypothetical challenges may or may not also include some of the additional legal grounds identified in Kavanaugh’s opinion.  But as of right now- and for the foreseeable future- Prop 12 is constitutional.  However, there are other court cases pending that impact the immediate enforceability of Prop 12 and similar laws.

  • In California Hispanic Chamber of Commerce v. Ross, retailers asked for an extension of time to come into compliance with Prop 12 regulations for the sale of pork, which was granted by the court.  For retailers selling “whole pork meat,” the regulations may not be enforced until July 1, 2023.  For retailers selling veal and egg products, the regulations are currently effective.

  • Massachusetts Restaurant Association v. Healey addresses a 2016 Massachusetts law, similar to Prop 12.  The language of the statute is available here, and the regulations are available here.  The MA law was challenged on dormant Commerce Clause grounds, and the parties agreed to prevent enforcement of the portions of the law relevant to the sale of pork products until 30 days after the NPPC decision was issued by the USSC.  The portions relevant to the sale of egg and veal products are currently effective.

Is there still a possibility of stopping Prop 12 and other efforts to establish farm animal housing standards?

Continued lawsuits against Proposition 12 and other state laws that require certain production standards is a strategy that will likely continue.  As Elizabeth Rumley explained above, the recent NPPC opinion itself lays out two additional options for challenging Proposition 12:  alleging facts sufficient to meet the “substantial harm” requirement and raising the additional constitutional arguments highlighted by Justice Kavanaugh, such as the Import-Export Clause, the Privileges and Immunities Clause, and the Full Faith and Credit Clause. 

Federal lawmaking is another option.  Justice Gorsuch, in the NPPC decision, highlighted the constitutional power Congress possesses to “regulate Commerce … among the several States.”  The Justice suggested that Congress could displace Prop 12 by exercising its commerce power and enacting legislation that regulates the interstate trade of pork.  Some members of Congress have expressed willingness to include interstate commerce language in the upcoming Farm Bill. 

Others in Congress advocate a different strategy—legislation that restricts states from interfering with animal production practices.   A proposal raised unsuccessfully last year by Sen. Marshall (R-Kan) and Rep. Hinson (R-Iowa) may surface again in the wake of the NPPC.  But even with several options for federal legislation that would prevent Prop 12, many question whether there is sufficient congressional support.  Congress has a long history of unwillingness to overturn any type of state ballot initiative enacted by “the will of the people.” 

When and how will California enforce Prop 12?

With the NPPC decision by the Supreme Court, the California Department of Food and Agriculture’s Animal Care Program has issued guidance on how it will enforce Prop 12. The agency had already developed Prop 12 regulations, which require distributors and producers of pork to register and obtain a third-party certification of compliance by January 1, 2024.   For pork producers, certification involves passing an on-site inspection showing compliance with the housing standards and maintaining compliance records and requires an annual renewal process. The agency offers a Sow Housing Guide that illustrates Prop 12’s requirements that a sow’s enclosure be at least 24 square feet and does not prevent the sow from lying down, standing up, fulling extending all limbs without touching the side of the enclosure, or turning around freely. The agency is also presenting several webinars, including a webinar for pork producers on June 27.  

Will pork producers now begin complying with Prop 12?

That’s a question without a legal answer.  Those who do comply with the housing standards will certainly incur economic costs, and some producers had already done so prior to NPPC.  The National Pork Producers Council estimates that converting existing sow housing to meet the Prop 12 standards will run a producer about $3,500 per sow and national costs could total between $1.9 and $3.2 billion.  We can guess that some producers will not or cannot make the new investment, which in turn raises many more questions about the economic and social impacts of Prop 12.  As is often the case with controversial laws like Prop 12, we might always have more questions than answers.

 

 

United States Supreme Court Building
By: Peggy Kirk Hall, Tuesday, October 04th, 2022

The Supreme Court of the United States takes on a second important case for agriculture next week when it hears arguments in National Pork Producers v Ross.  The Court opened its new term yesterday with a well-known case about the Clean Water Act and EPA authority over wetlands, Sackett v EPA.  In National Pork Producers, the Court will hear challenges to California’s Proposition 12, a livestock housing standards law.

Proposition 12.  Voters in California approved the Proposition 12 ballot measure in 2018, but the law’s impact spreads beyond California’s borders.  The law sets living space standards for sows, egg-layers, and veal calves—sows must have 24 square feet or more of space, egg-laying hens require at least 144 square inches, and veal calves must have at least 43 square feet.  Commonly used gestation crates for sows and battery cages for hens would not meet California’s space standards.  And Proposition 12 also prohibits the sale of products from any animal whose housing does not comply with the living space requirements. That prohibition doesn’t apply just to products of animals raised in California, but to products of animals raised anywhere and sold in California. Selling pork, eggs, or veal from animals not raised according to the standards is a crime that could result in fines, jail sentences, and civil actions.

Challenges to Proposition 12.  The out-of-state application of Proposition 12 immediately raised concerns across the United States.  Several lawsuits followed, with the primary argument being that Proposition 12 violates the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution, which grants Congress the authority “to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.”  The Supreme Court has long determined that implicit in the Commerce Clause is a restriction on the ability of states to pass legislation that discriminates against or excessively burdens interstate commerce, referred to as the “dormant Commerce Clause.”  Opponents of Proposition 12 argue that California has burdened interstate commerce by prohibiting sales of products within the state from out-of-state livestock producers who do not comply with the California state law for animal housing. 

Federal courts disagreed with the commerce clause argument in an earlier challenge to Proposition 12, North American Meat Institute v Becerra, for which the Supreme Court of the U.S. (SCOTUS) declined review.  Another case, Iowa Pork Producers v Bonta, also alleged Commerce Clause violations along with several other constitutional challenges, and that case is now on appeal after being dismissed by a federal district court in California. 

A federal district court also dismissed the current National Pork Producers case, presented again on a Commerce Clause claim.  The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld that dismissal while agreeing that the law would “require pervasive changes to the pork production nationwide.”  The court concluded, however, that National Pork Producers had not stated a constitutional claim by alleging that Proposition 12 discriminates against out-of-state interests.  Absent a showing of discrimination, “a state law may require out-of-state producers to meet burdensome requirements in order to sell their products in the state without violating the dormant Commerce Clause.”  As long as the only conduct regulated by the law is conduct within California, the court explained, significant upstream effects beyond California would not violate the Commerce Clause.  Last April, the Supreme Court accepted the request to review the Ninth Circuit’s decision.

The SCOTUS review.   National Pork Producers, joined by the American Farm Bureau Federation, raises two questions in the current case before SCOTUS.  The first is whether the economic effects outside of California that require pervasive changes to an integrated nationwide industry state a violation of the dormant Commerce Clause.  The second question is whether Proposition 12 states a Commerce Clause claim according to an earlier SCOTUS decision in Pike v. Bruce Church, which held that even when a law doesn’t discriminate on its face against interstate commerce, the law is not permissible if its burdens greatly exceed the benefits to local commerce.

The petitioners argue that Proposition 12 is “impermissibly extraterritorial” because 99.87% of all pork sold in California comes from producers outside of the state.  They claim that the practical effect of Proposition 12 is to regulate out-of-state commerce and require significant and costly changes to sow housing across the country.  Proposition 12 also fails the Pike v Bruce Church balancing test because its "false human health rationale and philosophical preferences about conduct outside of California are outweighed by the “wrenching effect” the law has on interstate commerce."

On the opposite side, California describes the law's impact as having only a “ripple effect” both within and outside of California rather than creating an impermissible extraterritorial effect.  An upstream, practical effect, California argues, is not sufficient to render a state law invalid under the Commerce Clause.  Claiming that the petitioners overstate the economic effects of the law, the State argues that it would not be impossible to segregate animals to meet California requirements while continuing housing requirements for other markets.  California argues that “there is nothing illegitimate or insubstantial about the voters’ expressed purpose of addressing extreme methods of farm animal confinement and potential threats to the health and safety of California consumers.” 

Implications:  who should control farm animal welfare standards?  National Pork Producers and California’s Proposition 12 raise a critical question about the future of farm animal welfare standards.  Should such standards be determined on a state-by-state basis, or should there be a uniform federal standard?  While the federal Animal Welfare Act does establish animal care standards, it does not apply to farm animal care.  In the absence of a federal law for farm animals, eight states have joined California in addressing farm animal housing standards.  Ohio is one of them.  Ohio’s Livestock Care Standards for swine housing will prohibit the use of sow gestation crates after December 31, 2025, except in special circumstances.  Unlike California, however, Ohio’s law does not prohibit retail sales from animals that aren’t housed according to the state standards.  Only California and Massachusetts tie housing standards compliance to retail product sales and criminal penalties, raising the issue of controlling producers beyond the state’s borders.  A federal law, on the other hand, would equally affect all producers across the country and could preempt restrictions on sales such as in Proposition 12, but would place control over farm animal care practices in the hands of the federal government.  Perhaps we’ll more carefully analyze the federal-state question after SCOTUS issues its decision in National Pork Producers, expected early next year.

The Supreme Court will hear the oral arguments in National Pork Producers v Ross at 10:00 a.m. on Thursday, October 11.   Live audio will be available at https://www.supremecourt.gov/oral_arguments/.

Grain bins with colorful sunset clouds
By: Peggy Kirk Hall, Friday, January 28th, 2022

We’ve quickly reached the end of January, and several of the legal issues I’ve talked about in OSU’s “Agricultural Outlook” meetings have surfaced this month.  If the current pace keeps up, 2022 promises to be a busy year for agricultural law.  Here’s a review of three legal issues I predict we’ll see that have already begun to emerge in 2022.

Water, water.  From defining WOTUS to addressing Lake Erie water quality, water law will continue to be everywhere this year.  The U.S. Supreme Court just announced on January 24 that it will hear the well-known case of Sackett v EPA to review whether the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals used the proper test to determine whether wetlands are “waters of the United States” (WOTUS).  The case is one example of the ongoing push-pull in the WOTUS definition, which establishes waters that are subject to the federal Clean Water Act. The Biden administration proposed a new WOTUS rule last December that would replace the Trump-era rule, and comments remain open on that definition until February 7.  Ohio has wrangled with its own water issues, particularly with agricultural nutrient impacts on water quality.  We’ll see this year if the state will continue to rely on H2Ohio and similar incentive-based programs and whether the Ohio EPA will face additional litigation over its development of a Total Maximum Daily Load for Lake Erie.

Pesticide challenges.  The EPA announced a new policy on January 11 to more closely evaluate potential effects of pesticide active ingredients on endangered species and critical habitats.  That was the same day the agency re-registered Enlist One and Enlist Duo pesticides, but with new label restrictions and prohibited use in hundreds of counties across the U.S., including a dozen Ohio counties.  An EPA report documenting dicamba damage in 2021 could form the basis for yet another lawsuit this year demanding that EPA vacate dicamba’s registration.   Meanwhile, we await a decision by the U.S. Supreme Court on whether it will review Hardeman v. Monsanto, one of dozens of cases awarding damages against Monsanto (now Bayer) for personal injury harms caused by glyphosate.

Opposition to livestock production practices.  Ohio pork producers watching California’s Proposition 12 will be happy with a recent California court decision prohibiting enforcement of one part of the law that went into effect on January 1.  The provision requires any pork and eggs sold in the state to be from breeding pigs and laying hens that are not raised in a “cruel manner,” meaning that the animals have a certain amount of usable pen space.  The California court agreed with grocers and other retailers that the law could not be enforced on sales of pork meat because the state hasn’t yet finalized its regulations. The law could be subject to further scrutiny from a higher court.  Several agricultural organizations have unsuccessfully challenged the law as a violation of the Constitution’s Commerce Clause, but one of those cases currently awaits a decision from the U.S. Supreme Court on whether it will review the case.  Other livestock production issues we’ll see this year include continued battles over Right to Farm laws that limit nuisance lawsuits against farms, and challenges to “ag gag” laws that aim to prevent or punish undercover investigations on farms.

There’s more to come.  Watch for more of our predictions on what 2022 may bring to the agricultural law arena in upcoming posts. Or drop into one of our Agricultural Outlook and Policy  meetings to hear my Ag Law Outlook.  As quickly as the year is moving, we’ll soon know how many of those predictions are correct.

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